Thursday, June 2, 2011

Agents arrest terror suspect

By Vito Barcelo
Manila Standard Today,Friday,June 3, 2011

AUTHORITIES have arrested a Malaysian allegedly linked to the Al-Qaeda network of slain terror leader Osama Bin Laden.

The suspect, Abdul Aziz Usman, also known as Aziz Bin Othman, was nabbed by Immigration agents and Region 11 Navy intelligence officers during an operation in Inawayan village in Sta. Cruz, Davao del Sur.

Immigration chief Ricardo David said Usman, 50, was arrested with aide Omar Abu after months of surveillance.

Reports showed that he was a finance officer associated with the Abu Sayyaf in the south.

Unable to present travel papers, he will be deported as an undocumented alien, said David, a former armed forces chief.

Lawyer Maria Antonette Mangrobang, BI acting intelligence chief, said Usman was about to marry a Filipina in a ceremony at a mosque when he was picked up.

She said the suspect took up accounting and finance at the University of Tennessee, USA from 1996 to 1999.

"He confessed that he has been traveling back and forth to our backdoor via Jolo, Sulu from Sabah, malaysia,"Mangrobang said.


Suspected JI finance officer falls

By Jaime Laude,
Philippine Star,Friday, June 3, 2011

MANILA, Philippines - A Malaysian national suspected to have links to the regional terrorist network Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) was arrested after he was monitored to be actively propagating the teachings of slain al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden, in a joint intelligence operation by naval intelligence and immigration agents in Davao del Sur recently.

Col. Omar Tonsay, Navy spokesman, said the arrest of Abdul Aziz Usman, also known as Aziz Bin Othman, in Barangay Inawayan, Sta. Cruz town last May 9 came after almost a month of surveillance conducted by the Naval Intelligence and Security Group based in eastern Minda­nao.

Immigration reports said 50-year-old Usman was suspected to be working as a finance officer for JI, which has links to the Abu Sayyaf.

Usman was turned over to the immigration bureau in Davao for custody and further questioning.

Tonsay said Usman failed to present legal documents of his stay in the country. He was arrested while he was about to marry a Filipina in Muslim rites at a mosque in Barangay Inawayan.

Prior to his arrest, Usman was reportedly monitored to be actively advocating the cause and teachings of bin Laden among local Muslims.

Arrested along with Usman was his aide Omar Abu, also believed to be a Malaysian national as he cannot speak Tagalog or any local dialect.

Tonsay said Usman was initially seen attending a local gathering in Sta. Cruz town in the first week of May.

The Navy said it was still conducting a background check to determine the true identity and affiliation of Usman.

With Evelyn Macairan

Philstar.com

How the al-Qaeda Threat Lingers

By Luke Hunt

The Diplomat, Thursday, June 2, 2011

Osama bin Laden is dead, but in Southeast Asia, nagging problems persist for law enforcement officials seeking to stamp out al-Qaeda’s influence in the region.

Most of the focus is on Mindanao, where the Philippines military has drawn up a list five foreigners who had established links to bin Laden, and who are believed to be currently hiding out in the country’s south.

Most wanted is the Malaysian-born, US-trained engineer Zulkifli bin Hir, aka Marwan, who has made it his business to train aspiring members of the Abu Sayyaf Group in bomb making.

Commander of the Philippine Navy, Vice Adm. Alexander Pama, says bin Hir had lived in Tipo-tipo in Basilan, working with Abu Sayyaf leader Khair Mundos before moving to Sulu, adding the Armed Forces of the Philippines had intensified its intelligence operations in a bid to locate ‘these terrorists.’

Bin Hir fought alongside bin Laden in Afghanistan, and is on the FBI’s list of most wanted terrorists for his activities in Indonesia and the Philippines and was head of Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia (KMM) as well as a member of Jemaah Islamiyah's (JI) central command.

Parma also named a Singaporean known as Mauwiyah as significant. Authorities believe Mauwiyah, a seaweed farmer, is hiding in Sulu along with two Indonesians, Saad and Qayyim, and a Malaysian suspect Amin Baco.

The five are the most prominent remains of al-Qaeda’s heyday, when they could count on JI to go on the rampage with some support from Abu Sayyaf. JI was responsible for many of the region’s worst attacks and much of the carnage over the past 12years, including the 2002 Bali bombings, which left 202 dead. But the group seems all but extinct now, with its co-founding cleric and last standing senior figure Abu Bakar Bashir now before the Indonesian courts, where he claims the United States, along with liberal Muslims, are trying to frame him.

The 72 year-old is accused of funding Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), which was born lout of JI. JAT was dubbed ‘al-Qaeda in Aceh,’ and was allegedly plotting attacks and the assassination of senior politicians in Indonesia. Prosecutors have demanded the maximum life sentence for Bashir.

Since bin Laden’s death at the hands of the US special forces last month, counter terrorism experts, military analysts, politicians and commentators have gone into overdrive warning that the Saudi militant could still pose a threat, perhaps more so in death than in life, as a symbolic figure for wannabe jihadists.

In Africa, this argument certainly has some merit. Somalia and Yemen provided a fertile breeding ground for like-minded affiliates that established strong relations with al-Qaeda. Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq, where the presence of US-led troops serve as a magnet for bin Laden acolytes, also figure prominently. In Southeast Asia, however, not everyone is so sure, and some analysts are sceptical about claims that bin Laden remains a threat from beyond the grave.

Pivotal to this argument is Mindanao, says Jakarta-based security analyst Keith Loveard of Concord Consulting. ‘You have to ask how relevant the Mindanao factions are to the global jihad process, given the extreme pressure they are under from the Philippines military and the US advisers,’ he says. ‘There’s a sense that they are so tied down in their local area that it’s very difficult for them to operate beyond the southern Philippines, with even attacks in Manila now rare. That doesn't mean jihad will go away as a threat, but it can be contained.’

Gavin Greenwood, a regional security analyst with Hong Kong-based Allan & Associates, says alleged links between bin Laden through JI and Abu Sayyaf were anyway always minimal ‘at best.’

‘Rather, they have served on both sides as a useful narrative to bolster JI's credibility while also internationalising local insurgent groups as a means to dispense resources and gain assets (from the United States and Australia) for the Armed Forces of the Philippines,’ Greenwood says. ‘Abu Sayyaf has always been intensely local and restricted to a small number of interconnected clans and families, carrying on and updating traditional piracy activities.’


Bin Laden’s death has also provided a timely opportunity to examine the role of the Philippines’ armed forces, their foreign allies and claims that foreigners were persistently involved in the seemingly perpetual conflicts that plague Mindanao.

‘The suggestion that only wicked Malaysians, Singaporeans and Indonesians — led from afar by a Saudi/Yemeni or Egyptian — play a significant part in an insurgency that has barely paused for breath since Magellan was killed by Lapu-Lapu on Mactan island in April 1521 is patronising and manifestly nonsense,’ Greenwood says.

However, he also said there was little doubt that fugitive Muslims have sought sanctuary in the areas controlled by various native Moro groups, where even the military concede that their priorities now are to settle down and make a modest living in professions like seaweed farming.

That’s if they can evade the authorities, who last week arrested a notorious Abu Sayyaf bandit blamed for a series of kidnappings in Western Mindanao and the beheading of coconut plantation workers.

Andurahman Luy Andang, alias Abu Nas, was reportedly captured while riding his tricycle in Isabela City. His arrest followed the capture of the last senior JI figure at large, Omar Patek, who was arrested in Pakistan in January.

The authorities had thought Patek was still hiding out in the Southern Philippines, where he had forged a close friendship with Abu Sayyaf. His arrest raised questions about his presence in Pakistan, in particular Islamabad’s relationship with the West and its role in the war against Islamic militants. Patek was nabbed just a short distance from the luxury mansion in Abbottabad, about 60 kilometres northeast of Islamabad, where bin Laden was killed.

Patek was apparently being protected by an al-Qaeda cell, which among other tasks ran the local post office. Seasoned counter-terrorism observers suggested Patek had transited from Tawi Tawi in the Southern Philippines through East Malaysia onto Kuala Lumpur, Bangkok and then Karachi.

They also said information obtained following his seizure was traced back to Malaysia, where Singaporean businessman Abdul Majid was arrested on May 6. He’s suspected of channelling funds to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which has spent decades fighting for an independent homeland in the Southern Philippines.

Most pointers indicate that the threats posed by Islamic militants who use terrorism as a strategic weapon has now largely diminished. Still, this is cold comfort for governments and intelligence networks that must still deal with the issue on a daily basis.

‘At the moment it would appear that the Southern Philippines isn’t such a threat, but if the heat was lightened, there’s the chance that attacks beyond the immediate area would start again,’ Loveard says. ‘This carries with it a depressing message for governments faced with budgeting large amounts of revenue for "what if" threats.’


The Diplomat

In 'interesting times', Philippine Navy must navigate its own limitations



by Lourdes M. Fernandez
InterAksyon, Thursday, June 2, 2011

MANILA, Philippines – One would think, given recent incidents of China’s alleged “bullying” of other claimants in the South China Sea, that the admiral at the helm of the badly-equipped but bravely-manned Philippine Navy would be doing nothing but gnash his teeth over the obvious mismatch in military muscle, and cry nonstop for bigger budgets for naval defense.

To be sure, Rear Admiral Alex Pama is pushing for better materiel for a Navy whose role has grown substantially –from defending Philippine territory to confronting threats like piracy, human and drug trafficking, and protecting the country’s biodiversity from poachers – but he is also realistic enough to know that having the right and adequate hardware isn’t the only crucial ingredient here.

At bottom, says the 54-year-old veteran of the AFP’s campaigns against the Abu Sayyaf in Mindanao, “you must build capacity, or make sure you have the right ‘humanware’, even as you build capability,” or the hardware. He knows from experience that the latter is a tall order in a country that has trailed neighbors in its defense capabilities despite the supposed billions raised for an ambitious, but stalled, military upgrade from the proceeds of the conversion of sprawling military bases into economic zones.

Adm. Pama sees the need to address the human factor not only in terms of the 22,000 men and women in the Navy. He advocates passionately as well the need for “maritime domain education,” noting with dismay that right now few people appreciate the real situation of an archipelago like the Philippines, or why it is embroiled in territorial disputes with other countries, or even the simpler risks it faces in terms of human security just because it is a country fragmented into 7,100 islands.

‘Land-centric’ mentality, systems

Ironically, for a country with the third longest coastline in the world (at 36,000 kilometers, almost double that of the US), most everything about Philippine history and culture, education, military institutions and directions since after the 1898 declaration of independence has been, in his words, “so land-centric.”

It’s an observation that resonates with a former defense chief, now Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile, who recently stressed the need to build the Air Force and Navy’s capability alongside each other, if the country were to beef up, however slightly, its external defense. The “land-centric” mentality is reflected in how, for decades on end, Philippine leaders have poured the lion’s share of defense budgets into an Army that has long been battling insurgencies.

True, Pama says, the Philippines has to build capability in naval materiel considering the “definite mismatch between needs and existing assets,” but he asserts that doing so cannot be done independently of building up the capacity of the Navy’s corps, as well as - and here he expects people to raise eyebrows -getting the real pulse of the Filipino people in terms of their sense of being stakeholders over the national territory.

The Admiral winced when asked whether he thought the lowly soldier in the Navy’s puny outpost in the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG) in the South China Sea is often stricken with doubt over the question of, “do Filipinos care if I die defending this rocky outcrop they don’t even know about?” Exactly the point, he says, in insisting that at the very least, authorities should give some attention to maritime domain education.

It is this same realization that military solutions alone won’t suffice, he says, that guided his stint in Western Mindanao, where he was commander of naval forces until 2001. Faced with the obvious mismatch between a Navy with a rickety fleet and the ransom-funded fast craft used by the flamboyant leaders of the Abu Sayyaf, Pama’s unit had dug in deeply, patiently, slowly, tapping into the goodwill of communities fed up with depredations by the terrorist group.

Reflecting the typical Filipino talent for “diskarte,” or making do with meager resources to solve a problem, the naval forces in Western Mindanao eventually bagged one Abu Sayyaf leader after another in a series of operations involving composite military teams.
‘Way beyond comparisons’

Still, cautions Pama, it’s not wise to “extrapolate what we did in Mindanao” to the bigger challenge in the South China Sea, where the area is bigger, the other players better equipped, and “resource constraint is beyond our control.”

The Navy, he explains, simply adjusts to what the Philippine political and military leadership determines is the certain capability they want to aspire to, given a particular threat level. Here, he adds, comes in the third “C” or “credibility,” after capability and capacity. The vision is to have by 2020 “a strong and credible Navy this nation can be proud of.” But, he adds quickly, it’s important to find the public pulse on the level of threat they wish the Armed Forces to meet. As an example: obviously, going toe to toe with China is an unrealistic expectation at the moment, when both diplomacy and presenting a credible deterrence are needed.

Is the Navy bothered by China’s expanded garrisons and military outposts in seven islets in the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG), as reported in an exclusive report by News5’s DJ Sta. Ana recently, or an InterAksyon report on China beefing up its paramilitary fleet in disputed waters? Pama declined to comment on the extent of the Chinese outposts, only saying, “we do know naval solutions and naval diplomacy”, then adding a cryptic, “we in the Navy live in interesting times.”

He also declined to provide details on how the AFP under President Aquino will address the new, rising risks posed by recent Chinese moves in the disputed Spratlys and even in the Reed Bank, which is within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone.

He acknowledges, though, the clear support the Navy has gotten under President Aquino, particularly the recent acquisition of the Hamilton, the former US Coast Guard cutter, to serve as the Navy’s flagship in lieu of the BRP Raja Humabon now nearing seven decades old.
Aquino has vowed to have the defense budget grow nearly two-fold, to $2.4 billion, this year.

Besides this, an additional $970 million is supposed to be allocated for the procurement of hardware until 2016, as part of the AFP upgrading that was delayed even though the bases conversion program that should fund it was launched in the 1990s yet.

“Resource-wise, President Aquino is walking the talk. Beyond the official budgets, he has been actively looking for other resources” to allow the Navy to get the decent minimum materiel in a modernization program with a short- (two years), medium (five years) and long- (nine) horizon. This is why, he explains, building capacity right now is crucial so that the naval staff will be ready to handle the hardware as they are slowly acquired.

In a recent interview with Jane’s Defense Weekly’s Manila correspondent Gordon Arthur, Pama was quoted saying that while the threat posed by the “Chinese ambitions” was largely a “political matter with a lot of diplomatic methods being undertaken,” the Navy was undertaking certain “measures” to beef up its maritime defense.

Arthur cited reports saying the installation of island radar stations and renovating an air strip on Pagasa Island, the biggest in the KIG, were in the works.

What Pama confirms, and is passionate about, is beefing up a “Coast Watch” system of people, vessels and radar stations for “detecting, monitoring and interdicting” threats in coastal regions of the archipelago. It was piloted in the South and a national grid is envisioned.

On Wednesday, as the DFA summoned the Chinese ambassador to explain the most recent Chinese intrusions on May 21 and 24, AFP chief of staff Gen. Eduardo Oban said they plan to set up more coast watch stations and radars to cover the country’s western flank, including Palawan.

“We have initially set up coast watch stations in the south, particularly in Mindanao and the Sulu-Celebes area. In another phase we will be putting up coast watch stations and radars in the west and, eventually, to the north, until we cover the entire archipelago,” reports quoted Oban saying at a briefing.

The AFP said it plans to complete the putting up of the western coast watch stations in two to three years using funds generated from the Malampaya natural gas project, according to a report in InterAksyon.com.

In the same forum, Defense Secretary Voltaire Gazmin reiterated what he and Oban told reporters on Monday, after flying to Palawan for a conference meant to assess the AFP’s updated requirements in maritime security, given the rash of intrusions and “bullying” by foreign forces.

The mandate is simple, Oban said: “We want to get more assets that will be able to provide security in the disputed areas.”

Meanwhile, Pama concedes in the Interaksyon interview that the threats - from foreign troops’ bullying, from pirates, drug smugglers and poachers - have grown so diverse that the meager naval resources can barely cope with them, but declines to render a list of what is priority. “We can’t say one is more important than the other. We address what happens when it happens,” he says then softly mutters as he points to a map of the Philippines and the South China Sea, “let’s hope they don’t all happen at the same time.”

The “unsinkable” Alex Pama, as Starweek magazine once described him, doesn’t hide his painful appreciation of the huge challenge his command faces, or his dismay over the considerable time lost because the AFP modernization was stalled by issues of politics, corruption and sheer apathy.

But he is confident that it won’t be too late for all current efforts to start bearing fruit, and hopes they won’t get derailed again for one reason or another. He concludes, “If we have short memories, let’s hope we have longer foresight.”